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Auction: 19003 - Orders, Decorations and Medals
Lot: 156

The outstanding Peninsular and Waterloo pair awarded to Colour-Sergeant George Baller, 95th Rifles; one of the original men who embarked with the 1st Battalion in 1809, he was twice captured and five times wounded in the course of his career.

Baller served throughout the Peninsular War in Captain O'Hare's No. 3 Company, a renowned fighting unit which included such personalities as Tom Plunket and Ned Costello. This Company held the vital bridge at Barba del Puerco against a night ambush by a French Brigade. It was at the forefront of the critical Combat of the Coa, when French hussars overwhelmed the Company and Baller was taken prisoner.

He escaped from the fortress of Vittoria and joined the Spanish partisans, training them as riflemen. His story mirrors that of Rifleman Dodd, the fictional hero of C. S. Forester's Death to the French. After several fights, during which he was wounded by a Polish lancer, Baller made it back single-handedly to his regiment at Lisbon.

After Fuentes d'Onor and the storming of Cuidad Rodrigo, Baller was promoted to Sergeant before the walls of Badajoz. He took part in the assault on the breach, and by early 1813 was such a physical wreck that the surgeons transferred him to hospital in England.

In 1814, despite his condition, Baller volunteered for service in The Low Countries. He received horrific wounds in close-quarter fighting in the assault on Merxen and at the battles of Quatre Bras and Waterloo. By 1816 he was in a pitiful state; his petition for a Royal Hospital pension makes for tearful reading. Worn-out and impoverished, Baller was buried at Brompton Cemetery in a pauper's grave. A headstone was finally laid at a re-dedication ceremony in 2007.

Military General Service 1793-1814, 4 clasps, Fuentes D’Onor, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz, Salamanca (G. Baller, Serjeant, 95th Foot, Rifles.); Waterloo 1815 (Serj. George Baller, 1st Batt. 95th Reg. Foot.), fitted with original steel clip and split-ring suspension, the clip neatly re-affixed with solder, some very light contact marks, otherwise good very fine (2)

George Baller was born at Chewton Mendip, near Wells in Somerset, on 21 January 1787, the son of George and Mary Baller. Together with his friend George Pardoe, another Chewton boy, he enlisted for ‘limited service’ in the 95th Foot (Rifles) at Plymouth Dock on 12 May 1809, receiving an £11 bounty. He was then aged 22, giving his civilian trade as ‘saddler’. His attestation papers reveal a man ‘five feet six and a half inches high, of sallow complexion, green eyes and light brown hair.’

Baller hastened by packet-boat to Dover, where the 1st Battalion, 95th Rifles was being re-formed after its ordeal at Corunna four months earlier. In that harrowing retreat the 95th had proved the value of their new mode of fighting, Rifleman Thomas Plunket gaining legendary status for shooting a French Brigadier and his ADC at 600 yards. In reward, Horse Guards granted the 95th a 3rd Battalion, to which many Corunna veterans now transferred. This gave room in the 1st Battalion for new men such as George Baller. Baller joined Captain Peter O’Hare’s No. 3 Company, formed largely of volunteers from the South Lincolnshire Militia. One of its new subalterns, George Simmons, had actually been commissioned in gratitude for persuading so many of his fellow militiamen to join the 95th. By contrast, O’Hare was one of the regiment’s first officers when it formed as the ‘Experimental Corps of Riflemen’ in 1800. He had fought in twelve battles, including the 1806-7 River Plate campaign, and was chosen to train these raw recruits. Tom Plunket, now a Corporal, joined No. 3 Company as a role-model to the men. Several other important characters served under O’Hare: Robert Fairfoot became one of the 95th’s most respected NCOs, while Ned Costello needs no introduction. Over the next six years, No. 3 Company built a reputation as the hardest-fighting unit, in the elite Battalion, of the 95th Rifles.

On 25 May 1809, with a strength of nearly 1,100 men, the 1st Battalion marched down to Dover Harbour and the waiting transports Fortune, Malabar and Laurel. No. 3 Company sailed aboard Fortune. Wives and sweethearts sent up a heart-rending ‘three cheers’ for the 95th as the ships disappeared over the horizon, Lieutenant-Colonel Beckwith having forbidden women on campaign. The majority of men who departed would not see England’s White Cliffs again. Severe gales delayed their progress through the Downs, until the squadron was joined at Cowes by further transports carrying the 1/43rd (Monmouthshire) and 1/52nd (Oxfordshire) Regiments, both trained as Light Infantry by the late Sir John Moore. Together, the 43rd, 52nd and 95th formed the ‘Light Brigade’ under Brigadier-General Robert Craufurd, the first of its kind. Craufurd had suffered the ignominy of surrendering a Brigade to the Spanish at Buenos Aires in 1806 - his subsequent behaviour in the Peninsula evinced a rash yearning to reclaim his reputation and honour.

The convoy disembarked at Lisbon on 18 June, but there was no time for rest. The men were bundled into flat-bottomed barges, sitting on benches with rifles between their legs. A hair-raising two-day voyage up the River Tagus followed, in which men feared capsizing at any moment. Landing at Vallada, the Light Brigade progressed via Santarem, Golegao and Punhete towards the main Anglo-Spanish Army under Sir Arthur Wellesley, which it had been sent to reinforce. Craufurd directed the march with an iron fist: few stragglers escaped his notice and the severe punishments meted out to them earned him the nickname ‘Black Bob’. On the morning of 28 July, he received an urgent dispatch from Wellesley, with news that a large French army was at hand and a general action was imminent. Despite the increasingly rugged terrain and the fact that each man carried some seventy pounds on his back, the Light Brigade marched 42 miles in 26 hours in its determination to reach Wellesley (the average British Battalion might cover 15 miles in a day). This epic march was still not enough to bring the Light Brigade to Talavera in time. The battle, a costly and somewhat Pyrrhic British victory, ended just hours before Craufurd’s arrival. A great cheer went up from the exhausted British troops as the Light Brigade was seen approaching. It has often been speculated what impact the Light Brigade might have made at Talavera, had it been present.

On 4 August, the newly-ennobled Viscount Wellington obtained secret letters between Marshal Soult and Napoleon’s brother, King Joseph of Spain. These revealed that a French force, some 30,000 strong, threatened the line of retreat to Portugal. The Light Brigade now had to retrace its steps, seizing the bridge at Almaraz on the River Tagus just moments ahead of Soult’s picquets. This proved a vital crossing in that it enabled Wellington’s whole force to retire into Portugal unmolested, reaching the border by 20 August. At Talavera, Wellington had been unimpressed by the performance of his Spanish allies: the Spanish infantrymen had never fired muskets before, and after loosing a premature volley were so appalled by the noise that they dropped their weapons and ran. Wellington’s army provisioned itself rather than living off the land according to the French custom, and he could not rely on Spanish promises of food and munitions were he to re-enter Spain. Instead Wellington withdrew to the Lines of Torres Vedras, Sir Richard Fletcher’s ingenious ring of steel around Lisbon. While Portuguese militia garrisoned the redoubts, the Light Brigade began a period of intensive marksmanship training at Campo Maior.

Barba del Puerco - a night attack

On Christmas Day 1809, following reports of French activity near the Spanish border, Wellington ordered the Light Brigade to advance northwards. On 6 January 1810 the River Coa was reached. This natural barrier, and the fortress of Almeida beyond it, would have to be negotiated by Marshal Massena’s troops in order to enter Portugal. Wellington intended Craufurd merely to observe enemy movements, giving advanced warning of a French attack before retiring to safety. Hussars of the King’s German Legion were assigned to Craufurd as gallopers, and the powerful guns of Almeida could lend support. It was a strong position but Craufurd, still smarting from the humiliation of Buenos Aires and annoyed at having missed Talavera, had other ambitions. He led the Light Brigade far beyond the Coa, almost to Cuidad Rodrigo, setting up a new observation line along the River Agueda. He was many miles from friendly support.

Four companies of the 95th, including O’Hare’s No. 3 Company, held the village of Barba del Puerco, far in advance of the remainder of the Light Brigade. Here an ancient bridge spanned the Agueda gorge. No. 3 Company was detailed to guard it. Baller was closer to the enemy than virtually any soldier in Wellington’s army; French picquets lay just across the river. French and British sentries established a warm rapport, trading brandy and tobacco. From this, the French discovered that the bridge was defended by a mere handful of men, apparently unsupported. At 11.30 p.m. on 19 March, a French Brigade under General Ferey managed to step onto the bridge before the alarm was sounded. A desperate struggle followed. Baller grabbed his rifle and hurried towards the bridge, taking aim at the French in the moonlight. Sergeant Betts and Lieutenant Mercer both received musket balls to the head, and several riflemen were captured. Captain O’Hare turned to his men and said: ‘We will never retire. Here we will stand. They shall not pass but over my dead body.’

O’Hare’s Company was just fifty strong, sickness having thinned its ranks, yet it kept Ferey’s entire Brigade at bay for half an hour. That was the time it took for the other three 95th companies, billeted in the village, to join the engagement. The riflemen’s fire then became overwhelming. Ferey’s command structure disintegrated as officers and NCOs were picked off. The order ‘Fix Swords’ went round and with a great cheer the Rifles set about the fleeing Frenchmen, reclaiming the vital bridge. Only two 95th prisoners were carried away by the French, the rest making it back to their comrades. It was a stunning victory, likened to Agincourt. It proved that riflemen could load as fast as any musketman, and hold their own in close-quarter fighting. Lieutenant Simmons wrote to his father, ‘after this night I was considered a soldier fit to face the devil in any shape.’

Combat of The Coa - the first wound

Four months later, Cuidad Rodrigo fell to Marshal Ney’s Corps. Everyone expected Ney’s next target to be Almeida. Craufurd positioned his men in the plain below this fortress, so that its guns might cover his retreat if needed. Vast quantities of powder and munitions were being carted from Almeida to Wellington’s main force. This meant that the single bridge over the River Coa was choked with wagons. Wellington had sent Craufurd two Battalions of Portuguese Cazadores and a
troop of Royal Horse Artillery, so the Light Brigade now became ‘The Light Division’, some 4,000 strong. The Rifles screened the Division’s front, and once again O’Hare’s No. 3 Company acted as forward picquets while the rest of the Battalion slept. On the morning of 24 July, a vast cloud of elite Tirailleurs crept forward through the undergrowth. They preceded Ney’s Corps of 25,000 men. As Baller and his comrades opened fire they realised their predicament. One subaltern recalled: ‘As the morning fog cleared away we observed the extensive plains in our front covered with the French Army as far as the eye could reach.’

For whatever reason, perhaps a thirst for personal glory, Craufurd had kept all his men on the eastern side of the River Coa, the side now being attacked by the enemy. The aforementioned bridge, still clogged with traffic from Almeida, was the Light Division’s only escape route. Wellington had repeatedly warned Craufurd not to give battle on the eastern bank, where he would be quite unsupported, but Craufurd ignored the Duke’s advice. Despite the unequal struggle, Baller and his comrades in O’Hare’s No. 3 Company kept the Tirailleurs at bay for over an hour, even repulsing the initial assault of a French Battalion in column. Gradually the French brought up artillery, pouring canister into O’Hare’s men. While half the Company under Lieutenant Simmons withdrew, the remainder under Lieutenant Johnstone provided covering fire.

As they were fighting, the French 3rd Hussars swept through a gap in the British line. Panic spread, O’Hare’s men running desperately to save themselves. Men of the 43rd Light Infantry formed a line to give covering fire, but it was too late. The Hussars got among No. 3 Company, slashing right and left. During this engagement, Baller stated that he was ‘wounded in the left hand.’ He might well have been trying to parry a sabre stroke with his hand, to protect his face, but the wound could also have been caused by a 43rd musket ball, for the 43rd were obliged to fire into the general mêlée to protect themselves. The wound might even have been the result of a Portuguese roundshot as the gun crews on Almeida’s ramparts did not recognise the riflemen’s dark uniforms, and fired at the 95th by accident. In any event, Baller was forced to surrender. Meanwhile, the Light Division suffered 333 casualties as it massed helplessly by the single narrow bridge, eventually crossing it to safety.

Prisoner of War - the second wound

The 1st Battalion’s Muster on 25 July 1810 recorded Baller as ‘Prisoner of War’. Incarcerated by the French at Vittoria, he at least avoided the notorious fortress of Verdun, of which lurid stories abounded in the British press. His fighting spirit never faltered, for after just two months he evaded his captors and joined a group of Spanish partisans led by the fanatical Don Espoz y Mina. These partisans held Baller in awe, having heard tales of the Baker Rifle and the skill of those who wielded it. Just three days after escaping, Baller was engaged in a skirmish with a party of Polish Lancers who were escorting money and provisions. During the fight he received a severe stab-wound to his left leg from a Lancer. His exploits mirror those of Rifleman Dodd, the fictional hero of C. S. Forester’s novel Death to the French. Since Baller is mentioned in Rifleman Costello’s account, it is quite possible that he himself inspired Forester’s character. The cataloguer now begs the reader’s indulgence in relating a particularly relevant passage, which could almost be a description of Baller's exploits:

‘No one knew better than he, who had served in so many convoy guards, how helpless is a long train of wagons strung out along the road. And he knew, too, that to kill one of the enemy’s horses was quite as helpful as killing one of the enemy’s men. He looked round at his two followers. “Caballos,” he said, “Caballos,” and pushed his rifle forward. They took aim beside him, and the three shots rang out almost together. One horse in a team of six fell in its traces; another, plunging and kicking on three legs, made evident the fact that the fourth was broken. Instantly Dodd leaped to his feet and dashed back among the trees, with the others at his heels, to where he could reload undisturbed. “Horses,” said Dodd again, as he rammed the bullet home. The others nodded. They could understand this method of warfare.’ (Death to the French, pp. 99-100)

Baller remained with Espoz y Mina’s guerrilleros for several more months, teaching them to fight like riflemen. Their activities took place largely in Navarre and Catalonia, where they could ambush French convoys crossing the Pyrenees. Espoz y Mina even blackmailed the French authorities into paying him tolls in exchange for letting the convoys pass unmolested. Unfortunately for the French, this Danegeld could never quite remove the Dane, and Espoz y Mina simply used the money to purchase more weapons. Clausel’s entire Corps, some 28,000 men, was pinned down in Catalonia, simply trying to keep the roads open. These men would have been invaluable in the struggle against Wellington, particularly during the Salamanca campaign. Baller can be said to have contributed to this containment, but by the spring of 1811 he was already heading back to his countrymen. The guerrillas took him safely to Valencia, where he boarded a ship bound for Gibraltar. From there he sailed to Lisbon, and in a few days he was back with his old comrades in O’Hare’s No. 3 Company. C. S. Forester again captures the moment perfectly:

‘Dodd’s mates greeted him with laughter when they recognised him. They could afford to jest; they had just spent a winter in comfortable cantonments, and every man was well-fed and properly clad, in startling contrast with the bare-footed, naked multitude of living skeletons which Dodd had been harassing. And they were in high spirits too. When the bugles blew and the men fell in to resume the advance they did so lightheartedly. They were marching forward, and the French were falling back before them in ruin. As for Dodd, he might as well have been in heaven. He was back in the regiment, in the old atmosphere of comradeship and good-fellowship. The very dust of the road and the smell of the sweating ranks were like the scent of paradise. He tramped along with them in dreamy ecstasy.’ (Death to the French, p. 154)

Fuentes to Salamanca - Promotion and another Escape

Baller’s journey now took him full circle, for in April 1811 Wellington’s army marched northwards from Lisbon to the River Coa. This time, the line extended along a smaller river called the Duas Casas. Each Division would support the other, and no unit would be left isolated. The valley was dominated by the village of Fuentes d’Onor (clasp), defended by the 71st and 79th Regiments. When Marshal Masséna attacked this position on 5 May, the Light Division was held in reserve to the right of the village. The 95th were soon engaged with French voltiguers, but the attack in their sector was merely a diversion. Masséna had ordered his light cavalry, some 3,500 sabres, to dismount and creep through the woods before Pozo Bello and Nava de Haver, on Wellington’s right flank. Once in the open, the cavalrymen remounted and fell upon the British regiments in that area, particularly the 42nd Foot (‘Black Watch’). The Light Division marched rapidly to this crisis, rifles at the trail. The threat of cavalry meant that ‘skirmish order’ would be suicidal - the Rifles had to advance for over a mile in column of quarter distance, enabling them to form square at any moment. This never proved necessary. O’Hare’s No. 3 Company was ordered to defend the Turon ravine, on Wellington’s right. Here Baller and his comrades repelled an attack by the 13th Chasseurs à Cheval, and inflicted severe casualties on successive waves of voltiguers. In a testament to their professionalism, the 95th achieved this while suffering no fatalities and only a dozen wounded.

That winter, Wellington turned his attention to the fortress towns of Cuidad Rodrigo (clasp) and Badajoz (clasp), barring his approach into Spain. The former was defended by some 2,000 disaffected Italian and Dutch conscripts. When Wellington approached Rodrigo on 8 January 1812, No. 3 Company, now led by Captain Uniacke, crept up to the edge of the glacis and began sniping at the ramparts. They killed so many French gunners that the gun crews had to insert gabions into the embrasures, removing them just before the moment of firing. British batteries opened two breaches which were pronounced practicable on 19 January. The assault commenced at 7 p.m. that night, Picton’s 3rd Division assaulting the main breach while Craufurd’s Light Division carried the smaller one. Craufurd was mortally wounded while standing on the glacis, urging his men forward. It is unclear whether Baller was among the Forlorn Hope, but since several men of his Company volunteered for that duty, including Ned Costello, it seems entirely possible, especially in view of his promotion to Sergeant three months later.

That promotion took place before the walls of Badajoz. This ties in perfectly with Baller’s discharge papers, which state that he rose to Sergeant some 2 years and 320 days after enlistment. It also matches Ned Costello’s account, which records the promotion to Sergeant of a certain ‘Corporal Ballard’, surely the same man. According to Costello, Baller’s promotion came at the expense of Sergeant Esau Jackson, who had been absent from the regiment for the preceding two years. After receiving a wound at the Coa, Jackson had sat out the war as an orderly at Belem Depot, near Lisbon. When questioned by Major O’Hare, he insisted that doctors had ordered him not to return to the 95th, but O’Hare saw Jackson for the coward he was. Turning round to his men, he said loudly: ‘By God, I will not have these brave fellows commanded by skulkers.’ Divesting Jackson of his sash and stripes, he bestowed these symbols of rank upon Baller. Just days later, on 6 April, O’Hare was shot in the chest while scaling a ladder during the main assault. He commanded the storming party, consisting of 300 men from various Companies. Baller, one of the storming party, emerged from the hellish experience unscathed.

With Badajoz’s capture, the way to Madrid lay open. At the Battle of Salamanca on 22 July, Wellington proved himself as an offensive general, defeating 40,000 French troops in 40 minutes. It was the greatest British victory on European soil since the time of Marlborough, but the Rifles played no part in it, positioned far away on Wellington’s left flank. A triumphal entry into Madrid followed, in which the Rifles were able to enjoy balls, soirees and plentiful food. This situation could not last for long. With French armies massing against him, Wellington withdrew back to the Portuguese frontier on 31 October. During the arduous retreat, Sir John Vandeleur put Baller in charge of the baggage and stores at Salamanca. On 17 November, the baggage train was attacked by French cavalry and Baller was once again captured. Somehow he managed to effect his escape, rejoining his regiment in Portugal. By now he was a very sick man, suffering from the effects of his wounds and rheumatism. According to the 1st Battalion’s Muster of 24 March 1813, he had been invalided to England.

The Low Countries - further wounds

Baller took several months to recover the use of his limbs. He was admitted to the Regimental Hospital on 25 October, transferring to a General Hospital on 12 December. On hearing of a planned expedition to The Low Countries, he volunteered his services, joining Captain Francis Glasse’s Company in a Provisional Battalion of the 95th Rifles. This Battalion formed part of Sir Frederick Adam’s Brigade in Sir Thomas Graham’s expeditionary force. The campaign’s objective was to support the newly-proclaimed Principality of the Netherlands by restoring the Prince of Orange to the Dutch Throne. Antwerp was a key target, Coalition forces subjecting it to a four-month siege. Baller was severely wounded on 2 February, during the attack on Merxen. He received a bayonet thrust in the chest and two musket wounds in the right arm, one through the wrist and the other above the elbow. These wounds are consistent with being a member of a storming party, and it is clear that the British infantry suffered appallingly when taking Merxen at the point of the bayonet (or sword). The capture of this town forced the French deeper into Antwerp, which did not surrender until it heard of Napoleon’s abdication. Baller remained in The Netherlands, so was ideally placed to join Wellington’s army when it assembled for the Hundred Days’ Campaign.

Baller served during the Hundred Days as a Colour-Sergeant in Captain Glasse’s Company of the 1st Battalion. During the Battle of Quatre Bras on 16 June, he received a musket wound to the right shoulder while skirmishing with French voltiguers in Bossu Wood. He had little time to recover, for the Rifles were called upon to screen Wellington’s retreat to the ridge of Mont St. Jean. As dawn broke on the morning of 18 June, Glasse’s Company remained on the reverse slope with the majority of the 1st Battalion. Three Companies under Captain Leach were positioned in and around the famous ‘Sandpit’, overlooking La Haye Sainte. At about 2 p.m. squadrons of French cuirassiers began cantering up the slope towards the 1st Battalion. Moments before, they had massacred the Luneberg Battalion, a Hanoverian militia unit sent to reinforce La Haye Sainte. The 1st Battalion saw this happening barely 400 yards away and heard the Germans’ piteous cries. Even Peninsular veterans had not encountered the power of French cuirassiers, and the 1st Battalion suddenly wavered. Senior NCOs including Baller made themselves hoarse in trying to form a square, but it was too late. Dozens of riflemen fled from the unnerving vision of the French heavy cavalry en masse. It was an ignominious end to six years’ heroic fighting under Wellington, but eventually the Battalion rallied and threw off its attackers. The charge of the Household Cavalry then settled the matter. Baller sustained a severe wound in the right leg, probably from a cuirassier’s sabre. There was to be no retreat for him.

'Poor Old Soldier'

Baller spent several weeks recuperating in an Antwerp hospital, before re-joining his beloved regiment in Paris. Under an Army Order, those who had enlisted for ‘limited service’ in 1809 could re-attest. Baller once again offered to serve. He was rejected by the examining surgeon in consequence of his severe wounds and multiple illnesses. Baller was broken in body, if not in mind. He was discharged as ‘time expired’ at Leominster on 25 May 1816, having served 7 years and 22 days with the Colours. He was then recommended by Colonel Sir Andrew Barnard to the Board of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea as a soldier worthy of a pension. He passed the Board, and was granted nine pence per diem. He married Sophia Jeans at St. Dunston’s Church, Stepney in 1818. His pension was insufficient to sustain a family, and in 1825 he petitioned the Royal Hospital, Chelsea for an increase. From this petition, we learn all the details of Baller’s gallant service. The pathetic tone of his appeal is heartbreaking:

‘Your petitioner wishes to make it known that not having a friend in the world to assist him, and not able to befriend himself and being embarrassed with a wife and large family, he knew not in what manner to apply for it again until meeting with your honour, petitioner begs to add the wounds and fatigues render him totally incapable to maintain himself and consequently leaves him in a most deplorable state. Your petitioner solely depends upon the universal interest of your honour, whose word alone, will re-instate him upon the books of British pensions for the relief of distressed body and mind.’

The 1851 census shows Baller living at 33 Tufton Street, Westminster with his wife and daughter, also named Sophia. He had resumed employment as a saddler, and was described as a ‘Chelsea Pensioner’. The Royal Hospital Chelsea Out-Books for 1860 confirm that he received 1 shilling and 3 pence per diem.

George Baller died of chronic bronchitis at 33 Tufton Street on 8 July 1868, aged 81. His wife Sophia outlived him by only one year, dying on 29 July 1869. Due to the accuracy of Brompton Cemetery's burial archives it was possible to locate the exact position of his unmarked pauper's grave. A service of re-dedication was held on 14 July 2007, conducted by The Rev. Lorna ‘Dickie’ Cleveland M.B.E. A Union Flag was draped over Baller’s final resting place, while a unit of re-enactors portraying the 95th Rifles fired a volley in salute. His wife is buried a short distance away in another unmarked pauper's grave. George Baller's grave in Plot N now forms part of the guided tour of graves of special interest at the Cemetery.

Sold with a fascinating archive including Baller’s copied service papers and petition to the Royal Hospital, Chelsea, three CDs containing photographs of his memorial service, and the cloth Union Flag draped over his grave in 2007.

Recommended reading:

Costello, E., The Adventures of a Soldier of the 95th (Rifles) in the Peninsular & Waterloo Campaigns of the Napoleonic Wars (London, 1841).

Forester, C. S., Death to the French (London, 1933).

Harris, B., The Recollections of Rifleman Harris (London, 1848).

Urban, M., Rifles: Six Years with Wellington's Legendary Sharpshooters (London, 2003).



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